by Philip Coppens
Nexus Magazine,
Inner Terror - Your Government Doesn't Mind Killing You
One of the most controversial and least discussed aspects of Western
society is the notion that Western governments would be able to, let
alone actually, kill their own civilians. But is reality far worse
than what we seem incapable of imagining?
In the movie V for Vendetta, a police detective ponders:
"I want to ask a question. I don't
care whether you answer me or not. I just need to ask this
aloud... The question that I have to ask is: what if the worst
and most horrifying attack in this country's history was not the
work of religious extremists?"
His assistant objects:
"We know it was. They were caught.
They confessed."
The detective adds:
"And they were executed. I know. And
maybe that's really what happened... What if someone else killed
all those people? Would you really want to know who that was?
Even if it was someone working for this government? That's my
question. If our own government was responsible for the
deaths of almost 100,000 people, would you really want to know?"
On 31 December 2006, three people were
killed in the Thai capital Bangkok. The military-backed interim
regime blamed the ousted prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra,
and his supporters as prime suspects. But US security expert
Zachary Abuza said that "it could be the military trying to
justify further crackdowns",1
thus demonizing the former prime minister so that it could continue
to enforce martial law. Whom to believe?
One of the major stumbling blocks to accepting a major conspiracy
(such as the claim that 9/11 was an "inside job" performed or
allowed by the authorities) is the unwillingness to believe that a
nation's institutions would kill its own civilians.
Thailand is not a stable Western nation
and many believe that the Western world is free of such atrocious
acts, whereas the sad truth is that since World War II many Western
nations have seen a long series of state-sponsored
terrorism-directed against its own citizens.
Russia's 9/99
bombings and the stifling of dissent
The deceased Russian dissident and former spy Alexander
Litvinenko argued in his book Blowing Up Russia - Terror from
Within that certain Russian terrorist attacks had been
engineered by the Kremlin.
He alleged that agents from the FSB
(Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation, the
successor to the KGB) coordinated the September 1999 bombings
(popularly referred to as the 9/99 bombings) that killed more than
300 people during explosions in three apartment buildings in the
capital Moscow and the southern Russian city of Volgodonsk in a
period of two weeks.2
The Russian authorities, directed by the
newly appointed prime minister Vladimir Putin, blamed the
bombings on Chechen separatists and, in response, ordered the
invasion of Chechnya.
Former FSB officer Litvinenko, Johns Hopkins University and
Hoover Institute scholar David Satter3
and Russian lawmaker Sergei Yushenkov have asserted that the
bombings were actually "false flag" attacks perpetrated by the FSB
in order to legitimate the resumption of military activities in
Chechnya and bring Vladimir Putin to the Kremlin and the FSB to
power.
False flag operations are covert
operations conducted by governments, corporations or other
organizations, which are designed to appear as if they were carried
out by other entities than the ones really responsible. The name is
derived from the military concept of flying false colors, which was
practiced in both naval and land warfare. A famous example is
Operation Greif, led by Otto Skorzeny,4
in which he ordered his men into action in American uniforms during
the final stages of World War II.
Litvinenko, Satter and Yushenkov thus charged Putin with ordering
state-sponsored terrorism, aimed at its own nation, killing 300
innocent citizens. This is not just a conspiracy theory emanating
from Russian dissidents or critics of Putin's regime.
Shortly after the final attack (when a truck bomb exploded on 16
September outside a nine-storey apartment complex in the city of
Volgodonsk, killing 17 people), FSB operatives were caught by local
police and citizens in the city of Ryazan planting a bomb with a
detonator in the basement of an apartment building at 14/16
Novosyelov on the night of 22 September 1999.5
An alert resident of the building
noticed strangers moving heavy sugar sacks into the basement from a
car. Explosives experts found that the bomb tested positive for
hexogen and all roads from the town were brought under heavy
surveillance, but no leads were found.
A telephone service employee tapped into
long-distance phone calls and managed to detect a conversation in
which an out-of-town person suggested to take care and to watch for
patrols. That person's number was found to belong to an FSB office
in Moscow.
On 24 September, Nikolai Patrushev, the head of the FSB,
stated that the bomb had been a dummy and that the entire operation
was a training exercise.6
The original chemical test was declared "inaccurate" due to
contamination of the analysis apparatus from a previous test. As a
consequence, the General Prosecutor's office closed the criminal
investigation in April 2000.
But despite these official denials, Yuri Tkachenko, the
explosives expert who defused the bomb, insisted that it was real.7
Tkachenko also said that the explosives, including a timer, power
source and detonator, were genuine military equipment. He added that
the gas analyzer that tested the vapors coming from the sacks
unmistakably indicated the presence of hexogen-not sugar, as the FSB
officially claimed. The police officers who answered the original
call and discovered the bomb also insisted that the incident was not
an exercise and that it was obvious from its appearance that the
substance in the bomb was not sugar.8
Litvinenko's prolonged fight for life following the ingestion of
radionuclide polonium-210 in November 2006 was popularly depicted as
Putin's revenge against this whistleblower. But Litvinenko was not
the only or first person to die. Sergei Yushenkov, who shared
his interest in the 9/99 bombings, was gunned down at the entrance
of his Moscow apartment block on 17 April 2003.9
In this case, there may not be a direct
relationship with the 9/99 bombings, as Yushenkov was a member of
parliament and the ninth member of parliament to be shot dead in as
many years, none of the cases ever having been solved. Still, one
member of the Liberal Russia party, Yuly Rybakov, speculated
in the Moscow Times newspaper that Yushenkov could have been
killed for his attempts to show that the security services are
guilty of the 9/99 bombings.10
Yushenkov had been responsible for inviting Mikhail
Trepashkin,11 a
Moscow attorney and a former FSB agent, to assist with an
independent investigation of the 9/99 bombings. After Yushenkov's
death and the collapse of the official investigation, two
Russian-American sisters Tatyana and Alyona Morozova, whose mother
was killed in the 9/99 bombings, hired Trepashkin to represent them.12
While preparing for the trial of the two
Russian Muslims who were officially charged with the attacks,
Trepashkin uncovered a trail of a mysterious suspect whose
description had disappeared from the files. The suspect turned out
to be one of his former FSB colleagues. He also found a witness who
testified that evidence was doctored to lead the investigation away
from incriminating the FSB.
On 22 October 2003, a week before the hearings commenced,
Trepashkin was arrested after what appeared to be a traffic stop
when, he claims, FSB agents stationed on the side of the road tossed
a satchel with a stolen handgun into his vehicle. Trepashkin was
imprisoned, unable to attend the hearings and thus smoothing the
path for an easy conviction of the two Muslim suspects.
However, the Trepashkin story made it
into the Western media and on 20 May 2004, an article in the Los
Angeles Times gave an overview of his tribulations, adding that the
central suspect was FSB agent Vladimir Romanovich. According
to Trepashkin, Romanovich was an FSB contact charged with
infiltrating Chechen criminal groups in Moscow. As evidence,
Trepashkin referred to Romanovich's mysterious release from custody
after an arrest by the organized crime squad several years before.
Trepashkin added that Romanovich was
recognized by the landlord at one of the apartment buildings. The
landlord, Mark Blumenfeld, confirmed that he had worked with the FSB
on a sketch of the man he'd seen, only to be cast aside when his
composite bore no resemblance to Gochiyayev, the man whom officials
had identified as one of the masterminds behind the bombing.
Romanovich subsequently died in a car crash in Cyprus.13
In 2003, Yuri Shchekochikhin, another MP who was on the
independent 9/99 commission, died in mysterious circumstances and is
believed to have been poisoned. Shchekochikhin was taken ill
suddenly and developed awful symptoms: his skin peeled, he was
covered in boils, his hair fell out and he eventually suffered
respiratory failure.
His colleagues were unable to
investigate his death because they were told that the autopsy
results were secret and would not be released even to his relatives.
Shchekochikhin was also an editor at Novaya Gazeta,
the independent newspaper where Anna Politkovskaya, the
fierce Kremlin critic, worked until she was gunned down in October
2006, weeks before Litvinenko died in a London hospital.14
NATO's secret
war in Belgium
Whereas in the aftermath of Litvinenko's mysterious death in
November 2006 people were willing to entertain that Putin
could order attacks against his own citizens, "surely" Putin's
Western equivalents, George W. Bush and Tony Blair,
would be unable to?
And as such, a "conspiracy theory" hits its
major hurdle: the willingness to accept one scenario, yet reject an
identical scenario elsewhere closer to if not at home.
Let us therefore begin in Belgium. In 1983, the Cellules
Communistes Combattantes (CCC) was founded in Belgium and
claimed to be the only Marxist revolutionary organization that would
wage an armed fight against the capitalist system. In 1984 and 1985,
28 "terrorist" attacks were committed by the CCC, allegedly in the
hope of engaging the "proletariat" in its revolution.
The figure of 28 is actually a record
number when it comes to armed terrorist attacks by one group in
Western Europe.15 The
CCC targets were, like 9/11 but unlike the 7/7 London bombings,
flagships of the Western economy and American hegemony: factories
that produced military equipment, the headquarters of political
parties or offices, military infrastructure, the police force, a
NATO oil pipeline and banks.
The CCC furthermore operated not in one
specific region but across Belgium, which underlined their
capability to strike anywhere and cause fear anywhere. On 1 May
1985, the group exploded a small van that was placed in front of a
government office but, unfortunately, two firefighters died in this
explosion.
"Unfortunate", for the CCC's campaigns
were organized to minimize, if not exclude, a human death toll.
Indeed, this makes the CCC not fit neatly into those attacks in
which civilian casualties are acceptable. But this was just stage
one.
The CCC became part of the government investigation after Belgium,
together with Switzerland and Italy, set up parliamentary
commissions following the discoveries of "stay-behind armies" in
1990. The scope of the investigation was the extent to which the
existence of a national secret army, coordinated by NATO (and
inspired by the US and the UK in the wake of World War II) within
several NATO and non-NATO states, had interfered with these
democracies.
The Belgian defense minister, the Socialist Guy Co‘me, who
stated to have been unaware of the existence of the secret armies,
had this to say about this secret army's involvement with terrorism:
"Furthermore, I want to know whether
there exists a link between the activities of this secret
network and the wave of crime and terror which our country
suffered from during the past years."16
Co‘me was referring to the years
1983 to 1985 and the CCC, but also to a series of brutal robberies
and attacks by the so-called Nijvel gang, in which the
geographic area around Brussels saw 14 brutal terrorist attacks on
shoppers in supermarkets.
These attacks left 28 people dead and
many more injured in a series of 17 burglaries and armed robberies,
which in late 1985 turned extremely violent. In the three final
attacks, 16 people died during armed robberies in supermarkets in
Braine-l'Alleud, Overijse and Aalst, the gang stealing (in total)
not more than US$56,000 (reducing a human life to $3,500).17
The Belgian Senate inquiry revealed that the secret army was staffed
by Belgian citizens and took its orders from the Belgian State
Security, the equivalent of the Russian FBS or the
American CIA. The cell was code-named SDRA8 and was
directly linked to NATO's stay-behind centers, the Allied
Clandestine Committee (ACC) and the Clandestine
Planning Committee (CPC).
However, the Senate inquiry was unable
to clarify whether the secret army had anything to do with the
Nijvel gang murders, as the Belgian military secret service refused
to co-operate.
Several journalists, including Allan Francovich, suggested
that SDRA8 had linked up with the Belgian right-wing
organization Westland New Post (WNP), an opinion that
was confirmed by WNP member Michel Libert, who stated during
a televised interview that he had been told by his SDRA8
handlers that:
"'You, Mr Libert, know nothing about
why we're doing this. Nothing at all. All we ask is that your
group, with cover from the Gendarmerie, with cover from
Security, carry out a job. Target: the supermarkets. Where are
they? What kind of locks are there? What sort of protection do
they have that could interfere with our operations? Does the
store manager lock up? Or do they use an outside security
company?'"
Libert added:
"We carried out the orders and sent
in our reports: hours of opening and closing. Everything you
want to know about a supermarket. What was this for? This was
one amongst hundreds of missions. Something that had to be done.
But the use it was all put to, that is the big question."18
A "big question" that would soon be
answered, and which had a human death toll of twenty-eight.
The logical conclusion is that there was a NATO-sponsored
secret army operating within Belgium, apparently outside the
knowledge and control of the government itself.
A most interesting statement came from a member of the inquiry,
Hugo Van Dienderen, who said:
"This secret network did more than
prepare for a war against a Communist threat... Agents tried to
infiltrate peace movements. Certain American groups tried to
contact them... A former director of the CIA [William
Colby] leaves no doubt that it was their intelligence agencies
that were at the basis of these networks."19
When Jean Bultot, one of the
suspected killers in the supermarket murders, spoke from his hideout
in Paraguay, he stipulated that certain members of the gang were
indeed part of the national intelligence network. He added, without
being asked, that the activities of the CCC followed the same
formula.
Two police officers, Martial Lekeu and Robert Beijer,
made similar statements.
According to Lekeu:
"There must exist a type of
organization between the members of the national intelligence
agency, the gendarmes and the judiciary department.
In my opinion, the attacks of the CCC are part of the same plan.
One of the caches of the CCC was hired by a brother of a member
of the State Security."20
And thus, the two terror campaigns that
Belgium witnessed in the early 1980s were apparently carried out by
a group of Belgians operating as a secret army, sponsored by an
organization-NATO-to which Belgium not only belonged but whose
headquarters it actually hosted.
Furthermore, though politicians were apparently unaware, the Belgian
intelligence agencies were not, and they specifically and
consistently accused "communists" (the CCC) as well as the "extreme
right" (the Nijvel gang) of carrying out terror activity,
whereas they were actually part of the planners if not executioners.
Remarkably, in 1985, despite never-before-seen protest marches,
NATO installed nuclear missiles in Belgium. This time, it seems
the intended goal was not an invasion.
In 1995, the Belgian Chamber of Representatives organized a
parliamentary inquiry into the effectiveness of the Belgian police
and judiciary with regard to the Nijvel gang investigation.
The conclusions of this inquiry, as well as the earlier Senate
inquiry on SDRA8 and the Chamber inquiry on banditry,
resulted in the preparation of new legislation governing the mission
and methods of the Belgian State Security, which was passed in 1998.
Unlike the US government with its so-called Patriot Act, which was
signed into law on 26 October 2001 in the aftermath of 9/11, the
Belgian government decided to contain the powers of the intelligence
and law enforcement network as much as possible, so that the willful
complicity of the Belgian State Security in allowing, if not
organizing, the deaths of people it was supposed to protect would
not happen again.